Kazuyuki Hamada

Kazuyuki Hamada (jap. 浜田 和幸, Hamada Kazuyuki; * 17. März 1953 in Yonago, Präfektur Tottori) ist ein japanischer Politiker. Von 2010 bis 2016 war er einer der beiden Vertreter Tottoris im Sangiin, dem Oberhaus des Parlaments. Bis 2011 gehörte er zur Liberaldemokratischen Partei (LDP), von 2011 bis zur Auflösung 2013 zur Neuen Volkspartei, danach war er parteiloses Mitglied der Shintō-Kaikaku-Fraktion, ab 2014 der „Partei der nächsten Generation“ waterproof phone cover, 2016 kurzzeitig der Ōsaka Ishin no Kai.

Hamada, Absolvent der Fremdsprachen-Universität Tokyo, wurde nach seinem Abschluss Angestellter bei Shin-Nippon Seitetsu (engl. Nippon Steel). Später erwarb er einen Ph.D. an der George Washington University und forschte ab 1987 am Center for Strategic and International Studies. 1997 gründete er das Kokusai mirai kagaku kenkyūjo (国際未来科学研究所, „Institut für internationale Zukunftsforschung“) running waist pack with water bottle.

Bei der Sangiin-Wahl 2010 wechselte Hamada in die Politik und übernahm die LDP-Kandidatur in Tottori, wo Amtsinhaber Kōtarō Tamura 2009 von der LDP zur Demokratischen Partei gewechselt war. Hamada erhielt über 150 Tausend Stimmen und gewann mit mehr als 20.000 Stimmen Vorsprung auf die Demokratin Mari Sakano.

Im Juni 2011 reichte Hamada seinen Parteiaustritt ein, nachdem ihm im demokratisch geführten Kabinett Kan die Position eines parlamentarischen Staatssekretärs angeboten worden war. Am 27. Juni trat er die Position im „Ministerium für allgemeine Angelegenheiten“ an. Am 5 where to buy waterproof pouch. Juli 2011 schloss die LDP Hamada aus. Unter dem Kabinett Noda wechselte Hamada im September 2011 ins Außenministerium. Im Dezember 2011 schloss er sich der Neuen Volkspartei an, wo er im April 2012 den Vorsitz des politischen Forschungsrates von der entlassenen Akiko Kamei übernahm. Im Dezember 2012 wurde Hamada Nachfolger von Generalsekretär Mikio Shimoji, der seinen Sitz im Parlament (Shūgiin, Okinawa 1) verloren hatte. Er blieb bis zur Auflösung der NVP Generalsekretär.

Im Sommer 2013 schloss sich Hamada der Fraktion Shintō Kaikaku – Mushozoku no Kai an. 2014 trat er der Jisedai-→Kokoro-Partei bei, die er 2016 wieder verließ. Bei der bevorstehenden Sangiin-Wahl 2016 verlor Tottori seine eigenständige Vertretung und bildet fortan mit dem benachbarten Shimane einen gemeinsamen Einmandatswahlkreis, beide Präfekturen sind ländlich-konservative Hochburgen, eine Wiederwahl gegen den LDP-Kandidaten Kazuhiko Aoki (bis 2016 der Vertreter Shimanes) war unwahrscheinlich, zumal sich vier Oppositionsparteien auf eine Einheitsfrontstrategie verständigt hatten. Hamada wollte für die Wahl der Ōsaka Ishin no Kai beitreten und in den nationalen Verhältniswahlkreis wechseln. Um einer Versammlung der Ishin-Abgeordneten aus dem Präfekturparlament von Osaka, der Keimzelle der Partei, beizuwohnen und innerparteiliche Unterstützung zu gewinnen, blieb er am 27. Mai 2016 einer Sangiin-Sitzung fern, bei der unter anderem über Hilfsmaßnahmen nach den Kumamoto-Erdbeben 2016 abgestimmt wurde – nach Angaben der Partei ohne deren Zustimmung. In der Folge entzog ihm die Parteiführung die Unterstützung, er trat kurz vor der Wahl wieder aus der Ishin no Kai aus.

Bei der Wahl 2016 kandidierte Hamada nun parteilos im Sechsmandatswahlkreis Tokio, wo er mit 0,5 % der Stimmen abgeschlagen auf dem 16. Platz abgewählt war.

Indicatif régional nord-américain

En téléphonie, l’indicatif régional (parfois appelé incorrectement code régional, qui est un calque de l’anglais) est la partie d’un numéro de téléphone qui suit l’indicatif téléphonique international waterproof phone cover. L’indicatif régional désigne une région géographique short soccer socks.

Par exemple, dans le numéro de téléphone 1-514-123-4567,

Dans l’exemple précédent, 514 désigne la région de Montréal, plus précisément la région couverte par l’île de Montréal, l’île Perrot et l’île Bizard.

Une région géographique peut être associée à un seul indicatif régional ou à plusieurs. Par exemple, la région couverte par l’île de Montréal, l’île Perrot et l’île Bizard est accociéee à deux codes régionaux : 514 et 438.

Dans le plan de numérotation nord-américain, les numéros de téléphone ont le format NXX-AAA-AAAA où NXX est l’indicatif régional (N est un chiffre de 2 à 9, et X est un chiffre de 0 à 9).

Les nombres suivants ne peuvent servir d’indicatifs régionaux, car ils sont réservés à des usages particuliers :

Rifle

Rifle è un’azienda italiana di abbigliamento denim e casualwear fondata nel 1958 a Prato dai fratelli Giulio e Fiorenzo Fratini. Nel corso degli anni ’60 l’azienda, originariamente nota come “Confezioni Fratini” si è trasferita a Barberino di Mugello dove di fatto è nato il marchio Rifle e ancora l’azienda ha sede.

Il marchio si è discretamente diffuso negli anni ’80 grazie ai suoi articoli, soprattutto per i jeans, particolarmente apprezzati per la loro comodità e resistenza, anche in altri paesi come nell’ex URSS, in Bulgaria remington shaver foils, Polonia, Cecoslovacchia e nel resto dell’Europa orientale.

Tra il 1975 e il 1990 i suoi prodotti hanno riscontrato un discreto successo anche in Svizzera, Regno Unito, Israele e in Olanda.

L’azienda nota particolarmente per i jeans, vende anche articoli sia casual che classici, ma con un taglio sempre sportivo e alla moda, adatti per le persone meno giovani da usarsi per impegni più formali.

Esistono diverse varianti dei jeans Rifle waterproof phone cover, chiamate Super Rifle, Golden Rifle e Royal Rifle.

Sandman Midnight Theatre

Sandman Midnight Theatre is the title of a one-shot comic book in which two DC comics characters called the Sandman — Dream and Wesley Dodds — encounter each other cell phone dry bag. Sandman Midnight Theatre was co-written by Sandman Mystery Theatre author Matt Wagner (co-plot) and The Sandman author Neil Gaiman (co-plot/script), and featured painted artwork by Teddy Kristiansen and lettering by Todd Klein. It received the Comics Buyer’s Guide Fan Award for Favorite Original Graphic Novel/Album for 1996.

Sandman Midnight Theatre was published with a cover date of September 1995. The following issue of The Sandman’s regular series was #72, in which Dodds appeared out of costume as an epilogue to the events in this book. Chronologically, The Sandman #72 happened long after Sandman Midnight Theatre, which occurred during Dream’s imprisonment. In terms of Sandman Mystery Theatre, Sandman Midnight Theatre occurs between the storylines “The Python” and “The Mist” (between issues #36 and #37).

Following the events of “The Python,” Dian Belmont left New York City for London. Dodds uses a murder case as an excuse to follow her, and he finds her working at a church’s soup kitchen. While Belmont deliberately avoids Dodds, both end up, for different reasons, at a party held by Roderick Burgess, the man who imprisoned Dream in his cellar.

The graphic novel was reprinted in the 1999 anthology waterproof phone cover, Neil Gaiman’s Midnight Days.

Vernon Jones

Vernon Jones (born October 31, 1960) is an African-American Democratic politician from US state of Georgia. Jones served as chief executive officer of Dekalb County, Georgia, from 2001 until 2009, and in the Georgia House of Representatives from 1993 to 2001. As Dekalb County CEO, Jones presided over the Board of Commissioners, oversaw a 7,000 employee county workforce, and managed a $2.6 billion county operating budget. He unsuccessfully ran for the US Senate in 2008.

Born in Laurel Hill, North Carolina, Jones grew up on a farm in rural North Carolina. His father was a veteran of World War II who worked in a mill; his mother and siblings worked on the family farm. Jones was the fifth of six children, with four brothers and a sister. He attended North Carolina Central University in Durham, NC and became a member of the Kappa Alpha Psi fraternity there, before graduating with a B.A. in business administration in 1983. Jones is a graduate of Harvard’s John F. Kennedy School of Government’s Executive Program.

Jones began his career in the telecommunications industry, first working with MCI Communications (now MCI Inc.) and later BellSouth Corporation running belts with water bottles. At BellSouth, he was part of a team that established wireless communications in Montevideo, Uruguay. Jones served on the DeKalb Board of Health, the Atlanta Regional Commission, the DeKalb Library Board, the DeKalb Pension Board, and the Board of Visitors for Emory University and North Carolina Central University.

During his 2008 Senate campaign, Jones described himself as a “conservative Democrat” who favors “tough immigration laws and fiscal responsibility” as well as “supporter of gun rights and a staunch environmental advocate”. During his 2008 campaign, he stated that he opposed same-sex marriage. OnTheIssues.org rated Jones as a “Moderate Libertarian Conservative”. Jones stated that he voted for George W. Bush in 2004, and supported Barack Obama in 2008. Jones donated $2,464 in two separate donations to the Georgia Republican Party in 2001. In a 2014 press release, Jones characterized himself as an “advocate for limited government, security and protections for all citizens waterproof phone cover, balanced budgeting, ethical and efficient elections, [and] job creation”.

Jones was elected to the Georgia House of Representatives in 1992, representing District SH 071, succeeding Sidney Pope Jones, Jr.. Jones served from 1993 to 2001, during which time he was a member of the Appropriations Committee, the Insurance Committee, and the Health & Ecology Committee, as well as the Banking Committee, and a special Judiciary Committee. Jones also chaired the Chairman of the Health Professions Subcommittee. Among the proposals Jones sponsored or co-sponsored in the Georgia House was a bill to remove the Confederate battle flag emblem from Georgia State flag, and a bill that would have banned minors from purchasing music with explicit lyrics. Jones did not stand for reelection in 2000, instead running for DeKalb County CEO, and was succeeded in the Georgia House by Ron Sailor On July 26, 2016, Jones defeated Rhonda Taylor in a runoff primary to be the Democratic nominee for Georgia’s State House District 91, which covers portions of South DeKalb and Rockdale Counties. He will face a Republican candidate in the November 2016 General Election.

He was elected as chief executive officer of Dekalb County, Georgia in 2000, winning 64% of the vote, and was re-elected in 2004 with 54% of the vote. Jones is the first African American to serve as CEO of the county, and the youngest ever elected in the county. In April 2001, shortly after Jones became CEO, he voted, along with five other DeKalb County Commissioners, to offer life and health insurance benefits to the domestic partners of gay and unmarried County employees. DeKalb was the first county in Georgia to offer such benefits. During his administration, Dekalb County established the first local Homeland Security Office in 2001. Under Jones, DeKalb County approved creation of a new senior center, increased funding for roads, libraries, and park improvements while maintaining a balanced budget, and increasing the County’s credit rating to AAA. As CEO, Jones promoted and achieved passage of a $125 million bond referendum that allowed for the acquisition of 2,735 acre expansion of the DeKalb County’s green space, increasing the county’s parks and green space by 70%. He requested and received Congressional designation of Arabia Mountain as a National Heritage Area. Jones was also primarily responsible for creation of Dekalb County’s first economic development department, which generated $4 billion in new investments.

However, Jones term as DeKalb County CEO was also known for controversies and accusations of improprieties. Shortly after taking office Jones went back on campaign pledge to keep the homestead exemption sales tax in place. Jones was criticized for vetoing pay raises for police officers. In January 2005, the Georgia State Ethics Commission sanctioned Jones for campaign contribution limit violations in 2004 reelection campaign. Under a Consent Order, Jones returned all excess contributions and personally paid a $7,500.00 civil penalty. Jones apologized and stated that changes in campaign finance laws between the initial election and the run-off election the reason for his acceptance nineteen improper campaign contributions. He was also accused of illegally using campaign funds to promote the 2005 bond referendum, but the State Ethics Commission “found no reasonable grounds” for the complaint.

Jones was also accused excessive spending, questionable real estate transactions, and was sued for racial discrimination (see Controversies section below).

Jones ran for the US Senate in 2008, but was defeated 60% to 40% in the 2008 run-off for Georgia’s Democratic US Senate primary.

On March 23, 2007 Jones announced he was running for the United States Senate against incumbent Republican Saxby Chambliss. Jones was criticized by his chief rival Jim Martin over his more conservative politics and past support for George W. Bush. Jones’ campaign was also marred by two new controversies. Jones sent out a flier in which he appeared in a digitally altered picture next to Democratic presidential candidate Barack Obama with the words “Yes We Can.” However, Obama himself stated he not only never posed with Jones, he did not endorse Jones or any other candidate for the Democratic nomination for Senate. In response, Jones blamed his “liberal opponents backed by the liberal media” for trying to ruin his campaign. Jones also received criticism for the appearance of the tagline “Vote Vernon Jones for GA Senate” on tickets, produced using county funds, for the Dekalb County Blues and Jazz Festival. The company who printed the tickets, supporters of Jones’ campaign, took responsibility for the incident; saying that they were unaware campaign finance laws made such an action illegal.

In the July 15, 2008 Democratic primary election, Jones won a plurality of votes in the Democratic primary. However, Georgia law requires a majority; if no majority is reached by a candidate, the two top vote-getters must face one another in a runoff. On August 5, 2008 Jones lost the run-off election to Jim Martin by a margin of 20 points. Jones unexpectedly lost to Martin in his home base of Dekalb County. Jones had lost support within the black community before the runoff election, and only captured two-thirds of the black vote in the head to head match up against Martin. The black turnout in the run-off was also substantially lower than the initial primary election, further hurting Vernon Jones’ chances in the runoff.

In 2010, Jones launched an unsuccessful campaign for the U.S. Congress, representing GA Fourth Congressional District. In 2014, Jones ran unsuccessfully for Sheriff of DeKalb County, GA. He was defeated by incumbent Sheriff Jeff Mann, 76% to 24%.

Two grand juries found Jones $250,000 per year taxpayer funded security detail excessive, and recommended it be decreased, but found no violations of the law. Jones was accused of a questionable real estate transaction involving a house and a 55-acre tract of land near Arabia Mountain that he purchased for $550,000 in 2003 in anticipation of a then active quarry becoming part of county green space project that he initiated. In summer of 2007, Jones sold the site and made a $220,000 profit. On January 20, 2013, a special purpose grand jury, enpaneled to investigate corruption in DeKalb County, found widespread “incompetence, patronage, fraud and cronyism” dating to the beginning of the administration of Vernon Jones. The report, which was not released until August 21, 2013, recommended further investigations of possible illegal acts by Jones, along with a number of other current and former senior DeKalb County officials.

On August 24, 2004, four senior current and former employees of the Parks Department, Becky Kelley (former Parks Department Director), Michael Bryant (a Deputy Director of Revenue Management and Support), John Drake (an Assistant Director), and Herbert Lowe (former Deputy Director of Strategic Management and Development), filed suit against DeKalb County, Vernon Jones (as CEO of the county) and three of Jones’ subordinates (Marilyn Boyd Drew, Richard Stogner, and Morris Williams) alleging either racial discrimination, or in the case of Lowe, retaliation for refusing to assist in racial discrimination. Kelly, Bryant, and Drake were white; Lowe was African-American.

Attorneys for the DeKalb County defendants moved for summary judgment on the grounds of qualified immunity as state officials. On November 10, 2006, District Court Judge William Duffey rejected their summary judgment petition, holding that the law does not allow “a public official defendant to engage in calculated racial discrimination costumed in a racially neutral garb of administrative actions so it can masquerade as a qualified immunity defense”. On November 21, 2006, Duffey ruled that the case could go forward to a jury trial. Jones and his fellow defendants then appealed the denial of their summary judgement motion. On July 31, 2009, the 11th Circuit Court of Appeals upheld the District Court judge’s rejection of the Defendants’ motion for summary judgment on the grounds of qualified immunity. Judge Gerald Bard Tjoflat, writing for the court, stated in the ruling that “DeKalb County, Georgia [had] embarked on a wholesale plan to replace its white county managers with African Americans” and that Vernon Jones had “devised the plan and monitored its execution”.

In March 2010, the case was finally heard by a jury. During the trial plaintiffs’ attorneys called witnesses from across county government in an attempt to demonstrate a countywide policy of discrimination. Jones denied any discrimination against white employees where can i buy football jerseys. He testified that “I wanted the best and the brightest. That meant blacks, whites, Asians, Latinos, Republicans, Democrats, Independents, gay, straight, anybody who wanted to work for DeKalb County. I wanted everybody to have a seat at the table”. Other testimony revealed that during the first five years of Jones’ term in office, the number of white senior county managers had dropped from 61 to 57, and the number of African-American senior county managers had risen from 33 to 61.

After seven days of testimony, on April 2, 2010 the jury awarded damages to two of the four plaintiffs, Michael Bryant (who had died before the trial) and John Drake. The jurors found that Jones, his former executive assistant, Richard Stogner, and a former parks director, Marilyn Boyd Drew were liable only for $185,000 in damages, much less than the $2 million requested by plaintiffs. While DeKalb County was found liable for racial discrimination, the jury rejected those claims against Jones, but held that he had “created and maintained a hostile work environment”. Jones was ordered to personally pay $27,750 of the damages, but DeKalb County’s $50,000 liability insurance policy on its employees covered the part of the award personally assessed against Jones.

While, Jones and his attorneys initially hailed the verdict as a victory for the county because of the relatively low damages award, after the judge awarded the plaintiffs an additional $1.9 million in legal fees, DeKalb County ultimately agreed to pay the plaintiffs a total of $1.3 million for legal fees and damages in April 19, 2011 post-trial settlement.

Jones was accused (in a lawsuit brought by Mona Brewer against Earl Paulk of Chapel Hill Harvester Church) of using money from a $125 million green space bond sale to purchase a Decatur, GA church building from Paulk for $2.4 million, a sum claimed to be unjustifiably in excess of the land’s actual value. The County made no use of the property, and was the building was later leased to a start-up cable network for a token sum of a dollar per year. During the ensuing court case, the plaintiff alleged that, as part of a questionable relationship, Paulk arranged for a sexual encounter between Jones and one of Paulk’s former mistresses. When deposed, Jones refused to answer questions relating to that incident, as well as a number of other questions involving his dealings with Paulk. That case was ultimately withdrawn by the plaintiff’s attorney, Louis Levenson, who felt that the judge in the case was biased against his client. The case was subsequently refiled and drew a different judge.

Schloss Conros

Das Schloss Conros (französisch Château de Conros ) befindet sich in der französischen Gemeinde Arpajon-sur-Cère im Département Cantal der Region Auvergne, etwa sechs Kilometer südlich von Aurillac. Es steht seit dem 30. September 1991 als Monument historique unter Denkmalschutz. Das Schloss befindet sich in Privatbesitz, kann aber von Anfang Juli bis Mitte September besichtigt werden. Der Eintritt in den Schlosspark ist kostenlos, während für den Besuch der Schlossräume ein Entgelt entrichtet werden muss.

Die Anfänge der Anlage reichen in das 13. Jahrhundert zurück. In einer Urkunde aus dem Jahr 1230 wird sie erstmals erwähnt und war zu jener Zeit im Besitz von Astorg III. d’Aurillac. Schon in der Anfangszeit bestand die Burg aus einem mächtigen, viereckigen Donjon und einem sich anschließenden Logis mit runden Ecktürmen. Nach dem Aussterben der Eigentümerfamilie kam die Burg samt zugehöriger Seigneurie über die Familie Courcelles im 15. Jahrhundert an die Familie Urfé. Diese veräußerte die Burg 1514 an Pons de Gontaut-Biron. Er und sein Sohn Jean I. ließen die mittelalterliche Anlage im 16. Jahrhundert zu einem Schloss im Stil der Renaissance umbauen. Im Jahr 1556 wurde es für 25.000 Livres an Rigaud de Saint-Martial (auch Rigault geschrieben) verkauft. Als hugenottische Truppen unter der Führung Antoine de Puzols Schloss Conros in den Religionskriegen während der Abwesenheit des Schlossherrn einnahmen, sammelte Rigauds Frau Francoise de Puy-de-Val Getreue um sich und eroberte das Schloss zurück.

Für sieben Generationen blieb das Anwesen im Besitz der Saint-Martials, ehe sie von der Familie d’Humières beerbt wurden. Eines ihrer Mitglieder, der Schlossherr Robert d’Humières, wurde durch seine Übersetzung von Rudyard Kiplings Dschungelbuch ins Französische bekannt. Die heutige Schlosseigentümerin ist eine Enkelin Roberts und beschloss 1971 gemeinsam mit ihrem Mann, die damals zu einer Ruine verfallene Anlage zu restaurieren. Auch der im 19. Jahrhundert im englischen Landschaftsstil umgestaltete Schlosspark sollte wiederhergestellt werden. 1972 begannen die Arbeiten dazu und dauerten mehr als zehn Jahre lang. Anschließend möblierte das Eigentümerpaar einige Zimmer des Schlosses neu, sodass diese heute im Rahmen eines kleinen Rundgangs besichtigt werden können. Außerdem richteten die Eheleute in den Räumen der einstigen Schlossküche ein Museum zu Kunst und Volkstraditionen der ländlichen Hoch-Auvergne mit Exponaten aus dem 19. sowie 20. Jahrhundert ein und organisierten eine Dauerausstellung zum Thema Parfüm im großen Saal des Obergeschosses. Die Schlossherrin bewohnt mit ihrem Mann derweil das ehemalige Gärtnerhaus.

Das Schloss steht auf einem Felsen aus Schiefer und Basalt, der an drei Seiten von der Cère umflossen wird. Zur Anlage gehört ein Englischer Landschaftsgarten aus der zweiten Hälfte des 19. Jahrhunderts, der – wie das Gebäude auch – in den 1970er Jahren restauriert wurde. Er ist der einzige Rest des ehemals 3500 Hektar großen Grundbesitzes, der einst zum Schloss gehörte. Zu seiner Bepflanzung zählen mehrere hundertjährige Bäume, darunter eine der größten Buchen des Départements.

Der Schlossbau besteht aus einem langgestreckten Wohnbau (Logis), dessen Ecken an der Westseite durch wuchtige Rundtürme markiert werden. Der nördliche von ihnen besitzt Maschikulis und ein Kegeldach. Im südlichen Bereich der Ostseite schließt sich dem Logis ein viergeschossiger Wohnturm (Donjon) an, dessen Mansarddach mit bekrönender Laterne nicht aus dem Mittelalter stammt, sondern dem Bau erst in späterer Zeit aufgesetzt wurde. Das Gebälk des dreigeschossigen Wohnbaus trägt eines der größten Dächer des Cantal. Im Keller und Erdgeschoss sind einige Elemente aus dem 13. Jahrhundert erhalten. Aus dem 15. Jahrhundert sind Überreste auf der Beletage zu finden. Die Mehrheit der heutigen Bausubstanz stammt jedoch aus dem 16. Jahrhundert und wurde im 17. Jahrhundert noch einmal verändert. Im Inneren sind unter anderem der Rittersaal (französisch salle d’armes) mit seiner Gewölbedecke und die Schlosskapelle von 1230 zu besichtigen. In der Kapelle ist ein merowingischer Sarkophag aus weißem Marmor ausgestellt, der 1988 bei Ausgrabungen in Arpajon-sur-Cère gefunden wurde. Kunsthistorisch besonders wertvoll ist ein monumentaler Kamin aus dem 15. Jahrhundert im Wachensaal (französisch salle des gardes), der ursprünglich aus dem benachbarten Schloss Branzac stammt. Seine dekorativen Fresken datieren ins 16. Jahrhundert und wurden von italienischen Künstlern gemalt, die durch Camille Carracioli, einer neapolitanischen Adligen und Ehefrau des damaligen Schlossherrn, nach Frankreich geholt worden waren.

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